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Wednesday, August 7, 2019

Consider the value of mobilisation theory in understanding trade union Essay

Consider the value of mobilisation theory in understanding trade union activism in all its forms - Essay Example The trade unions probably had a role in advancing equality between gender and equality among races. They have been mobilised to combat the onslaught of the HIV-AIDS in the working places and were important conduits to better health for employees and the proletariat. It can also be argued that trade unions are among the leading organizations in the fight against HIV-AIDS and all scourge of humanity (Trade Union Congress of the United Kingdom 2011). At the same time, however, trade unions are organizations that are relatively to radicalize in society. Marx, Engels, Trotsky, and other leaders of Marxism and several generations of the Communist and Socialist International have focused on the trade unions for their revolutionary work. The charisma of communist and socialist organisations has once threatened the industrial revolution in the late 18th and 19th centuries. The Marxist liberations movements strengthened by the trade unions have almost wiped out capitalism in the face of globe. Once upon a time, the Marxist liberation movements have covered much of Europe through Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and through the â€Å"people’s republics† of China, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. ... II. Mobilisation Theory: the Kelley and the Johnson-Jarley perspectives The emergence of mobilization theory is attributed to John Kelly. According to Johnson and Jarley, Kelly’s mobilisation theory moved industrial relations discourse â€Å"away from collective bargaining and its associated institutions and towards an examination of the processes that converts individual grievances into collective action† (2004, p. 543). Kelly’s work had emphasized that â€Å"injustice serves as the central organizing principle for mobilizing workers, and as such provides a potential powerful construct for understanding industrial relations processes† (Johnson and Jarley 2004, p. 543). The tone and content of the work of Johnson and Jarley (2004) supported Kelly’s perspective. In interpreting the trade union history of the United States, Johnson and Jarley pointed out the trade union rhetoric had centred their demands on â€Å"workplace dignity† and â€Å"s ocial justice†. However, perhaps we should not forget that there was no other alternative then but to centre on the rhetoric because the industrial revolution was probably associated as well with growing inequality. In the United Kingdom, I believe it is well known that the industrious revolution has been associated with long working hours and enslavement of women and children in factory grounds as a few lived in luxury. Women and children have to work for long hours during the early phase of the industrial revolution as the factory owners were enriching themselves. The work of Johnson and Jarley (2004) was built on testing the argument that member participation in trade union work is a function of workplace injustice and justice perceptions. The Johnson and Jarley

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